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Monday, November 11, 2024

Why Harris Lost

Many others have offered myriad explanations for how Trump defeated Harris. Some think Harris lost because she didn't appeal enough to women. Some argue that Biden stayed in the race too long, and it doomed Harris because she didn't have enough time to win. Some say it was trans issues. Some say it was inflation. Some even say that Trump voters were duped by a disinformation bubble.

Here are a couple rundowns of reasons from Vox and AEI. I find this explanation closest to my own view, and below, I explain it more comprehensively.

I'm a long-time proponent of the median voter theorem. The concept is more simple than the name. The idea basically is that to win an election, a candidate needs to win a majority of the votes, and to win the majority of the votes, that candidate has to win the vote of the median voter--the voter exactly in the political center of all voters. The candidate who wins that voter, generally by staking positions closest to them, wins the election.

The story of 2020-2024 is that in 2019 Harris was pretty far to the left, and lost the primary. Biden was pretty close to the center and won it. In the general election, he campaigned as a perfect centrist. However, once he became president, he shifted to the left and stayed there. When Harris took over, she moved up to, but not beyond where Biden governed, which left Trump much closer to the center than Harris, so Trump won.

In 2020, Joe Biden ran as a moderate

The 2020 Democratic primary featured candidates spanning the entire Democratic party, from Sanders and Warren representing the far-left to Biden, Buttigieg, and Klobuchar representing less far-left. And of them, Biden had the most experience, name recognition, and political power.

Once he won the nomination, he campaigned on ending the pandemic, but never said how. He was ambiguous on fracking. He thought Trump's immigration restrictions were too restrictive.

The Brookings Institute: "Joe Biden appealed to the center of the electorate across party lines. He did 10 points better than Hillary Clinton among Independents, and he doubled her showing among moderate and liberal Republicans...If the Democratic Party is regarded as going beyond what the center of the electorate expects and wants, Democrats' gains...could evaporate."

The BBC: "Biden stuck with a centrist strategy, refusing to back universal government-run healthcare, free college education, or a wealth tax. This allowed him maximise his appeal to moderates and disaffected Republicans during the general election campaign."

Biden won independents by 9 points--52 to 43, when Clinton had only won them by 1 point in 2016.

Joe Biden barely won his election

Even with all the benefits of running against one of the most singularly despised candidates in decades, a pandemic roiling the economy and the culture, civil unrest, record-setting fundraising, Biden only barely defeated Trump in the electoral college. Biden won three states by less than 1% of the vote--Georgia (0.23%), Arizona (0.30%), and Wisconsin (0.63%). Combined, Trump lost by a total 42,918 votes.1

Votes are still being counted in the 2024 election, but at the moment, Harris's easiest path would have needed to swing Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin to have won the election. She would need to swing 255,000 votes. The differences in margin are 1.2% (PA), 1.4% (MI), and 0.8% (WI). Not quite as close as 2020.

Biden Moved Left

Once in office, President Biden swiftly moved left. He issued executive orders "at a record pace," signing more executive orders in his two days than any other president signed in his first 30. His executive orders were not just undoing President Trump's work, or meant to address the pandemic, but showed that he was "taking steps Democrats have long demanded on immigration, the environment and racial justice."

In his initial flurry of executive actions, Biden required masks on federal property, extended foreclosure and eviction moratoriums, froze student debt collection, revoked the permit for the Keystone Pipeline, cancelled other energy rules created under the Trump administration, and pulled back on immigration enforcement. While many of these were demanded by Democrats, even the ones that were arguably centrist positions at the time, came to represent a immoderate president.

In February, Biden indicated he was more beholden to the teachers' unions than science when he waffled on re-opening schools. The head of the CDC, Rochelle Walensky indicated it was safe to re-open schools, but teachers unions scoffed, and the Biden administration fell in line and called for more funds before they could re-open.

In March, Joe Biden nominated Lina Khan to be an FTC Commissioner, notably, not the chair. Lina Khan was notable for writing a very famous article calling into question the application of anti-trust law to the current slate of American tech companies, most prominently Amazon, because they served as platforms that gave their products away for free, so the conventional approach of using price increases to prevent monopolies wasn't reliable.

She went on to work for other Democrats, and was considered a talented but pretty far-left expert on anti-trust in the digital age. Many Senators thought being a commissioner was acceptable given it was the President's prerogative, and the FTC could have three Democrat-appointed commissioners. One of them being more progressive was unobjectionable. However, immediately after she was confirmed with bipartisan support, she won confirmation in a 69 to 28 bipartisan vote, President Biden named her the chair of the FTC.

"Her appointment was a victory for progressive activists" according to the New York Times and was "hailed by many Democratic lawmakers." Elizabeth Warren said "With Chair Khan at the helm, we have a huge opportunity to make big, structural change..." The Vice President of NetChoice said she would make the independent agency more political. In office only briefly, she embarked on a aggressive agenda to push the FTC firmly in the progressive direction.

This episode symbolized Biden's move from moderate campaigner to aggressively progressive president. No one expected he would put Lina Khan in change of the FTC, even when she was nominated for commissioner. The change was a shock not only because it was unexpected, but it was unprecedented for a President to have misled Senators and the public on his intentions. In addition, while the business world had strongly supported Biden's campaign, their support of him surely wavered with such an anti-business Democrat put in charge of the FTC.

These are just two early-on instances of his lurch to the left, especially as compared to how he campaigned. There were many more. There was Merrick Garland going after parents who were concerned about what their kids were being taught, labelling them as terrorists; there was the student debt relief which he had avoided during his campaign and steered clear of, but then decided to pursue unilaterally despite previous arguments that it was unconstitutional. He tried to require masks on planes and vaccines for workers. Both of which failed in court. Both of which he continued to pursue despite their unpopularity. He always sided with unions and decided he'd be the first president to stand in a picket line. He discontinued natural gas exports. He tried to apply the protections in Title IX, which was meant to prevent discrimination based on a person's sex, to trans students. Biden also moved to aggressively reduce the number of gas-powered cars and replace them with EVs and his administration briefly contemplated banning gas stoves before it went public.

Biden was so committed to not enforcing the border, he wouldn't enforce his vaccine mandate for illegal immigrants even though he did for travelers. He flew illegal immigrants all over the country though he did his best to keep it quiet. He created an app so that illegal immigrants could bypass the border altogether and schedule their entry via airplane. Lastly, when there was a misunderstood photo of the border patrol and a border crosser, he immediately sided with the immigrant and never apologized for his mistake.

Also remember that the Build, Back, Better agenda was originally another multi-trillion dollar package for which many Democrats tried to expand the definition of infrastructure to include their economic agenda.

The result of all of these individual items and moves was that Biden was perceived by many, on the left, and the right, and the center, to be the most left-wing president of the last fifty years. People compared him to FDR and he basked in it.

Biden's Approval Rating Suffered

Source: 538

The other, more significant, consequence of Biden's policy portfolio was an approval rating that danced around 40% for most of his presidency. It's well-known, that his approval rating plummeted after the botched Afghanistan withdrawal. It reached its lowest point in July of 2022, almost a year later, and just before the Chips and IRA bills passed in August. He enjoyed about six months of approval in the low 40s, before it started dropping again. From December 2023 up until his disastrous debate, his approval was slightly below 40%.

Harris Ran as Biden

While many people think Harris ran as a moderate, to be more precise, Harris ran at the exact point on the ideological spectrum that Biden governed. The illusion of being a moderate was created because she shifted her policy stances from where they were in 2019 (confiscating guns, in favor of trans surgeries, opposition to fracking, in favor of Medicare for All), up to but never beyond the positions Biden held in 2024. While she renounced her previous, left-wing positions, she often didn't provide a detailed policy proposal of her own, but when enough detail was provided, she it would perfectly match Biden's policy.

Her response to every question regarding immigration policy was to support the Lankford Immigration Bill which Biden had supported, but did not have support of enough Republicans to pass. She never proposed or accepted any measure that wasn't part of that bill. On Israel/Gaza, she used the same language and answers Biden gave, that there needed to be a cease-fire and the hostages needed to be returned. There was no daylight between her and Biden on any issue.

Despite many opportunities, Harris refused to stake a position closer to the center than Joe Biden on any issue. She famously told The View and Stephen Colbert that she wouldn't do anything differently than was done by Biden. She adamantly refused to move closer to the Center than Biden governed, and that put her to the left of the median voter.

Donald Trump Ran as a Pretty Moderate Republican

Meanwhile, President Trump ran pretty close to the center. It surely doesn't seem that way because of the parts of his campaign that the media chose to highlight, but he is the least conservative president in decades on abortion, saying he does not want a national ban and he's not sure about Florida's six week ban. On immigration, probably his rightest-leaning issue, he supports deportations, but so do 51% of Americans. It flew under the radar, but Trump also indicated that he wanted to give citizenship to any immigrant who gets a degree in the US, which is surely popular.

One can also consider the outcomes of the Senate elections. Which states flipped? West Virginia, where a Democratic Senator, while a thorn in Democrats' side, eventually agreed to the Inflation Reduction Act, which sealed his fate. Montana and Ohio's Senators lost resoundingly, both red states with moderate Democrats who had won before but voted with Biden on everything. Voters are tolerant of moderates to an extent, but that tolerance was exhausted by Biden's governance.

In the end, Trump ran much closer to the center than Harris, and Harris lost because of it.

Footnotes

1 This would have ended up an electoral tie, which Trump would have won in the House.

Friday, August 18, 2023

Let He with Reservations Cast the First Vote

Disclaimer: This is not intended to support or malign any specific candidate. It is general advice promoting voting when candidates are unlikeable. Any promotion of specific candidates is a result of current polling on race, not policies or characteristics of the candidates.

Dominic Pino said something interesting on the 8/15 edition of The Editors Podcast. He argued that while a majority of Republican primary voters may support Donald Trump, a majority of Republicans probably doesn't, and almost certainly, a majority of people who might consider voting Republican also wouldn't support Trump.

This is a unique election. In my lifetime, these are the two worst candidates ever. Arguably, both are unqualified to be president, but for very different reasons. In elections before 2020, many people would complain about the quality of candidates, and it's true that the two parties' nominees are typically pretty poor representatives of the greatest America has to offer, but to a large extent, that's what the system, as it is currently constituted, can produce. That's also a very complex topic.

The difference with the 2020 election and the two front-running candidates for 2024, is that they're not just sub-optimal people, neither of them should be in the White House with any power whatsoever to make decisions for the country. Many, many people detested Hillary Clinton, but the idea that she was unqualified is ludicrous. The same can't be said for Biden and Trump. It would be easy to make an argument for either one of them that they are unqualified from holding this office.

For Biden, there's not much that can be done in a primary election, when no viable candidate wants to challenge him. For Trump, however, there is an opportunity. This will make practically everyone angry, but the most American thing a person can do is to vote in the Republican primary, for the candidate who's most likely to beat Trump.

This will make practically everyone angry, but the most American thing a person can do is to vote in the Republican primary, for the candidate who's most likely to beat Trump.

Many moderate Republicans, who despise Trump, have also developed a strong aversion to DeSantis because of his stances and focus on cultural issues. Even if they don't think DeSantis should be president, they should still vote for him in the Republican primary, assuming he stands the best chance of beating Trump. It is un-American to believe that Trump is a mortal threat to democracy, but allow him to win the primary and have a chance at becoming president. Right now, polls are pretty close. In fact, Trump has a better chance at beating Biden than DeSantis. Anything can happen between today and the 2024 election, and if you truly believe Trump is unfit for office, doing nothing but hoping things work out is a dangerous gamble.

If you truly believe Trump is unfit for office, doing nothing but hoping things work out is a dangerous gamble.

But you don't like DeSantis, and you're afraid he might win the general and become president. If you're a pro-democracy patriot, you should be okay with that, even if it's not your ideal outcome. In fact, you should want a strong contest between qualified candidates, even if it doesn't go the way you want. Whether you're a full-blooded Democrat, an ambivalent moderate, or a disaffected Republican, the most civic-minded thing you can do is vote for the Republican who stands the best chance of beating Trump.

Perhaps you think DeSantis himself is unqualified, just like Trump, so why vote for him. Here's a great test as to whether you believe a candidate is qualified. Ask yourself, why shouldn't this person be president. Come up with as many answers as you like, but try to be honest with yourself as to why you don't think they should be in office. If the reasons are all policy-related, then the candidate is qualified, but just has different positions. Shouldn't voters make that decision? Don't you want an election where voters can talk about issues and choose who better represents them and not a "my guy's awful, but their guy will usher in Ragnarok" election?

Monday, November 7, 2022

Trump's Kryptonite

Main Takeaways:

• Free media is Trump's superpower
• Stop sharing the non-substantive things he says!
• Continuing to serve as Trump's conduit is evidence you want him to win

Over the decades, politics and entertainment have become harder and harder to disentangle. Since the 1930s, presidents have gradually adopted more and more of a celebrity personality. This culminated in a celebrity-president that had mastered the shock jock-driven nature of social media. A significant reason that Trump was elected and remained relatively popular with his base throughout the years was his penchant for making outrageous claims that won him free media attention. These statements impassioned both his biggest critics in the media and his strongest proponents in the electorate.

Everyone in America wanted to know what Trump was saying. They wanted to hate him for being offensive, racist, sexist, bigoted, crazy or they wanted to love him for poking the bear, being funny, saying things they were thinking. And because the public wanted to know, the media wanted to get in on that action (not to mention many in the media were also outraged and hoped to spread their own distaste).

Most people now recognize that the media erred by providing so much free press to Trump back in 2016. At the time, there were many reasons they did this, not just to cash in on the public's demand for all things Trump, and to tell the world how crazy he was, but also because they were convinced he would lose. All gain, no loss. But then he did the unthinkable.

Even while he was President, he would issue tweets that would dominate the news cycle for the day. They were very rarely substantive tweets; most of the time, they were only meant to be provocative. Provoke they did. As someone who wasn't on Twitter at the time, I could look at these controversies in a more detached way. I think there is much more detachment that is needed today, especially from the media.

This is why I want to propose that all journalists take a vow to no longer support Trump as they have in the past. I'm sure they believe they're doing their jobs by reporting on the things Trump says everyday, and to some extent, that's true. That's definitely not the only motivation though, and it's not the only effect. In fact, their reporting is probably counter-productive. The more they try to prove to Trump's supporters (and even to those on the fence) that Trump is bad, the more they solidify his support.

To really hurt Trump, what they need to do is stop playing his game. Stop sharing video of him doing crazy things. Suppress the urge to retweet and quote retweet.

Obviously journalists still need to report the news, so I suggest the following: think of Trump as two people--the shock jock provocateur and a politician running for office. If the politician says something important and substantive, report on that. If he calls a fellow Republican by a nickname, don't report on that. Don't even comment on it. It's really not important.

Every journalist should take this vow: I promise not to promulgate non-substantive stories pertaining to Donald Trump. If I encounter a tweet from him or others or an article about an outrageous claim he made, I will move on without comment. I will also criticize anyone who purports to be anti-Trump who does provide him with free coverage.

Many, many people both in the media and outside of it claim that they don't want Trump to ever be president again, that it is a danger to the country. It's time for them to start going beyond just saying so. It's time for them to start behaving that way as well. To me, the best way to prevent this eventuality is to use the one thing that saps his power: apathy. We must assume that anyone who continues to repeat Trump's comments wants him to win.

Saturday, August 27, 2022

Trump's Future Electoral Viability Depends on Senate Outcome

Trump is unique with regard to recent presidents in how involved he's been in subsequent elections, either endorsing or black-balling. The exact magnitude of his effect on primary candidates is still unclear, but what is clear is that there is at least some effect. For marginal candidates, like Dr. Oz, he pushed them over the threshold.

Recently, there's been a lot of discussion about Republicans picking bad candidates and throwing away their chance at taking over the Senate like they did back in 2010. The battle for the Senate in 2022 was always going to be an uphill climb. Even though the Senate is evenly split and it's a midterm election when the out-party has more luck, Republicans are on the defense in terms of the seats that are up for election, needing to defend 21 seats vs. Democrats 14.

Of these, Oz, Masters, Laxalt, Tshibaka, and Vance merit following in the general. At the moment, Oz and Masters are behind, Vance is ahead, Laxalt is very close. Assuming all the other races fall according to current polls, the Senate will be 49D to 47R. Alaska will probably go Republican no matter what, which brings it to 49D/48R.

That means Republicans would have to win all three remaining seats--Pennsylvania, Nevada, and Arizona--to win control of the Senate. There's actually a very narrow situation for which Trump will garner the blame, Republicans have to end up with no more than 50 seats, their won seats must include Wisconsin and Georgia, and their lost seats must be Pennsylvania and Arizona, the two seats most closely tied to Trump's endorsements.

If all those things happen, then Republicans will view 2022 as a wasted opportunity, where the Senate could've been picked up if the right candidates had been chosen; and when the Republicans look around for someone to blame, they'll blame Trump. For politicians like Mitch McConnell, there's nothing as unforgivable as losing an election. We should then expect the forces behind the Republican party to quietly or even publicly start turning against Trump. So far, Republicans have been pretty mum because they're afraid of Trump's effect and what he might do, but if Trump shows that his judgment leads to loss of power, Republicans will no longer maintain their silence.

Friday, January 22, 2021

The Media, Then and Now

Several stories from President Biden's first two days in office really illustrate how differently the media treat President Biden from President Trump.

Pete Buttigieg's nomination to be Secretary of Transportation (compare to Trump's nominations) -

Try to imagine if any of these stories occurred during Trump's presidency and how the media would have covered them. Compare to how they're being covered now. Thinking about that, it's clear that the media's approach to the Trump years consisted of the following:

1. Ignore all context. Remember the spate of "racist" Cabinet nominees? The formula was simple, find one action they committed throughout their life, that could be interpreted as racist and then call them racist full stop. Ignore everything else about their life. If someone called them a racist in their past, then they are a racist full stop. Do not under any circumstances write a full story about the sum total of their life and the counter-examples. The press repeatedly ignored context in stories about Trump to paint everything as egregious. When he moved the embassy in Israel, there was scant mention that every president had promised to do so.

2. Interpret the story in the most negative way. For Cabinet nominees, if they only have private sector experience, lambast them for not having government experience. If they have government experience, criticize them for getting questions wrong. Ignore all the positive aspects. If one answer is wrong, then they are unqualified. The embassy story is another good example; how many people decried the move and said it meant the end of peace and imminent war? How many outlets pushed back?

3. Assume the most evil motivation. The press commonly attributed Trump's actions to evil intentions. They laid the groundwork for this by constantly claiming he was a racist and an authoritarian. Then when he would do something they didn't like or they misinterpreted, they would explain it by his being one or the other.

4. Assume that President Trump was responsible for anything bad that happened. This would apply to the story about the National Guard. There would be many stories about how awful this action was, and the assumption that Trump was directly responsible. Then they would talk about how he hates his base and he treats them like garbage.

How many on the left blame Trump for the Covid economy? Was Trump responsible for Covid? How does he compare to European leaders? Are other European leaders blamed for their Covid economy? There's no question that Trump could have handled Covid better, but the fact that several European countries did just as bad demonstrates that Trump wasn't uniquely bad. How often do you see comparisons of US to countries that are worse? A responsible media would show how US performance compares to countries better AND worse. Not just the countries that are better. The vaccination story is similar. The US is a top-5 vaccinating country, both in absolute terms and daily. Therefore, the media don't report on that, or if they do, they compare us to Israel, which is the best.

5. Repeat the same stories that the other outlets are reporting. This will serve to amplify the story. Notice how negative stories about Biden, where they exist, are extremely isolated.

6. Point out, amplify, and ridicule every hypocrisy and mistake. Imagine if Trump had issued an order that masks be worn on federal property and then was on federal property with a group of people unmasked. How many stories would be written about that? What would be the tone?

There's no question that the corporate media treat Biden differently than Trump. Since I can't fix it, and I doubt anyone can, it's vital that we illustrate this to as many people as possible so that they're aware of how they're being manipulated.